Jeepers Creepers! We've Got Peepers?!

Roughly ten years ago, Hollywood produced a film called, "Jeepers Creepers." While I have never seen the film, nor do I wish to see it, when it came out it was a big hit with my classmates. I can still remember them quoting the title at least once a day. So what does this have to do with, anything really? It has a great deal to do with our gargantuan, oversized, bureuacracy, and their daily assaults and violations on our civil liberties. Everyone worries about national security, but it seems that no one worries about civil liberties these days. To quote Thomas Jefferson, "a long train of abuses" has occured. Namely, the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) full-body scanners. According to the official TSA website, "TSA has implemented strict measures to protect passenger privacy, which is ensured through the anonymity of the image. The image cannot be stored, transmitted or printed, and is deleted immediately once viewed. Additionally, advanced imaging technology screening is optional to all passengers." And we are all aware of the spotless record any government agency has regarding promise keeping. TSA also assures passengers that no image can be stored, printed, or copied. However, the photos with this page are an illustration to passengers of what the TSA peeper/screener will see. The first question in my mind is: if it really is impossible to store, copy, transmit, etc., any of these images, then how did they wind up on the TSA's official website? And why is the peeper removed to another room, and not visible to passengers he is violating? Something here is not making sense to me, and it is the logic of the federal government. If I were to do something like that, I would be arrested for any number of disgusting and immoral vice crimes. However, an agent of the benevolent federal government could never have anything but our best interests at heart, right? WRONG! This agent gets paid to sit there and drool over the naked bodies of your daughters and wives (I'm hoping it is a man) and there is no safeguard you have against his saving your particular picture, taking it home, and turning it into a full-color photograph! When are we going to say, "Enough is enough!" Or like the episode of "Network," stand up and tell them that we are human beings and our life has value! It won't happen. And that shames me. Sadly it shames me more than it does you. I am ashamed because this is America. I am ashamed because this type of behavior would not have been tolerated in previous generations. I am ashamed because people are not angry enough with the slough and morass they call their government to stand up with testicular fortitude and do something to make change happen. The end is upon us, here in America. And the reason is very simple. It is upon us because we are too "wowed" with our Blu-ray, we are too intent on the newest type of phone, we think we have to have the highest number of friends or the best-looking car or the most money, and we don't care about anything that really matters anymore. We don't care about morals, and right and wrong, and making people stand by their promises, or anything noble and valuable like that. Instead we waste our time on the most trivial of things, and then wonder why our once-great country has gone to hell in a handbasket.

Paddy's Farewell to the Priest

The Priest of the Parish got up in the morn, And ordered his clerk all the people to warn, Before his Tribunal each one should appear. Where he sat as God their “confessions” to hear. Then Paddy rose up and sent the Priest word That his soul had escaped from the snare, like a bird From the net of the fowler, and now he would tell His reasons for bidding his Reverence farewell. Farewell and for ever to teachers of lies, Your own Douay Bible has opened my eyes; I see your impostures a plain as the light; You only can flourish in darkness and night. Your merchandise now has no charms for me, For the “Pearl of Great Price” in the Scriptures I see: The joys that now fill me no language can tell, So, Priest of the Parish, I bid you farewell. Farewell to your worship of pictures and stones, Your rags and your relics, your rotten old bones: Your images winking, your bleeding impostures, Twenty “Ave Marias” for two “Pater-Nosters.” The second commandment you cunningly hide, Idolatrous worship, for Christians, provide, Where Mysteries Pagan and Jewish combine --- A mockery Satanic of worship Divine. Farewell to the Mass, ‘tis a blasphemous cheat: What! Worship a wafer the vermin may eat? It grew in the field, it was thrashed with a flail, ‘Twas winnowed and fanned, and ground into meal; ‘Twas clipped with the scissors -- the mice ate the waste. ‘Twas stamped with a figure -- a cross and a man --- ‘Twas put on a fire and baked in a pan --- “Masterpiece of Satan,” chief work of hell, To gods made of wafers for ever farewell. An offering of fools in a jargon unknown; Your antics and turnings, your bowings and scraping, Your postures and twistings, grimacing and aping; By your rubbish the Word of the Lord you disguise, And cheat all the world by your “refuge of lies.” Farewell to your cursing, your bludgeons and sticks, The “Mother of Harlots,” and Jezebel’s tricks. Go, stand on the necks of your minions and tools; Go, blow out your candles on asses and fools. I pity the slave who allows your control --- Who feels all the weight of your chains on his soul; By the power of the Truth I have broken the spell, So, Priest of the Parish, I bid you FAREWELL. taken from The Scarlet Mother on the Tiber, by L. J. King.

Winning

"Winning is not a sometime thing; it's an all the time thing. You don't win once in a while; you don't do things right once in a while; you do them right all the time. Winning is a habit. Unfortunately, so is losing. "There is no room for second place. There is only one place in my game, and that's first place. I have finished second twice in my time at Green Bay, and I don't ever want to finish second again. There is a second place bowl game, but it is a game for losers played by losers. It is and always has been an American zeal to be first in anything we do, and to win, and to win, and to win. "Every time a football player goes to ply his trade he's got to play from the ground up * from the soles of his feet right up to his head. Every inch of him has to play. Some guys play with their heads. That's O.K. You've got to be smart to be number one in any business. But more importantly, you've got to play with your heart, with every fiber of your body. If you're lucky enough to find a guy with a lot of head and a lot of heart, he's never going to come off the field second. "Running a football team is no different than running any other kind of organization * an army, a political party or a business. The principles are the same. The object is to win * to beat the other guy. Maybe that sounds hard or cruel. I don't think it is. "It is a reality of life that men are competitive and the most competitive games draw the most competitive men. That's why they are there * to compete. To know the rules and objectives when they get in the game. The object is to win fairly, squarely, by the rules * but to win. "And in truth, I've never known a man worth his salt who in the long run, deep down in his heart, didn't appreciate the grind, the discipline. There is something in good men that really yearns for discipline and the harsh reality of head to head combat. "I don't say these things because I believe in the "brute" nature of man or that men must be brutalized to be combative. I believe in God, and I believe in human decency. But I firmly believe that any man's finest hour, the greatest fulfillment of all that he holds dear, is that moment when he has worked his heart out in a good cause and lies exhausted on the field of battle - victorious." Vincent Lombardi

Reading List

To any who happen to be interested, here are books that I find worth reading, because of the intrinsic value contained in them. I hope that some of you will agree with me. These are books that I have either begun or finished in the last two years.

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The Holy Bible

The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, volumes I and II --Jefferson Davis

The South Was Right! --Donald Kennedy

Dying, We Live --Julian Kulski

God's Playground, volumes I and II --Dr. Norman Davies

White Eagle, Red Star --Dr. Norman Davies

Dear America --Combat Veterans of Vietnam

To Hell and Back --Audie Murphy

The Siege of Vienna --John Stoye

A History of Russia --Nicholas V. Riasanovsky & Mark D. Steinberg

What Love Is This? --Dr. Dave Hunt

A Woman Rides the Beast --Dr. Dave Hunt

The Other Side of Calvinism --Laurence Vance

Draußen vor der Tür --Wolfgang Borchert

Western Philosophy: From Antiquity to the Middle Ages --James N. Jordan

Classics of Philosophy --Louis P. Pojman

History of Philosophy --Frederick C. Copleston

The Wealth of Nations --Adam Smith

The Coming of the Third Reich --Richard J. Evans

The Third Reich in Power --Richard J. Evans

The Third Reich at War --Richard J. Evans

The Nazi Conscience --Dr. Claudia Koonz

The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe

The Social Contract --Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Either/Or --Søren Kierkegård

Two Treatises on Civil Government --John Locke

Leviathan --Thomas Hobbes

There Is a God: How the World's Most Notorious Atheist Changed His Mind --Antony Flew

King Arthur and His Knights of the Round Table, volumes 1 and 2 --Sir Thomas Malory

The Divine Comedy --Dante

The Brothers Karamazov --Feodor Dostyevsky

Crime and Punishment --Feodor Dostyevsky

The Queen of Spades -- Aleksandr Pushkin

The Declaration of Independence

The United States Constitution

The Bill of Rights

The First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln

The Templars: The Secret History Revealed --Barbara Frale

The Knights Templar --Stephen Howarth

The Trial of teh Templars --Malcolm Barber

The History of the Knights Templar --Charles G. Addison

The Hungarians: A Thousand Years of Victory in Defeat --Paul Lendavi

A Concise History of the Middle East --Arthur Goldschmidt, Jr.

The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich --William L. Shirer

The Siege of Budapest --Krisztián Ungváry

Holocaust --Debórah Dwork & Robert Jan van Pelt

The Really Inconvenient Truths --Iain Murray

Dereliction of Duty --Lt. Col. Robert "Buzz" Patterson, USAF (Ret.)

Unfit for Command --John E. O'Neill and Jerome R. Corsi

Reckless Disregard --Lt. Col. Robert "Buzz" Patterson, USAF (Ret.)

Slander --Ann Coulter

10 Books That Screwed Up the World (And 5 Others That Didn't Help) --Benjamin Wiker

The United Nations Exposed --William Jasper

You Can Trust the Communists (To Be Communists) --Dr. Fred Schwarz

The World is Flat --Thomas L. Friedman

Boudica Britannia: Rebel, war-leader, and Queen --Miranda Aldhouse-Green

The Birth of Britain: A History of the English Speaking Peoples 4 vols. -- Winston Spencer Churchill

Boudica: The Life of Britain’s Legendary Warrior Queen --Vanessa Collingridge

Roman Britain: A New History --Guy de la Bédoyère

Dio’s Roman History --Dio CassiusEnglish Translation by Earnest Cary.

Boudica: Iron Age Warrior Queen --Richard Hingly & Christina Unwin

Cyclopedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature --John McClintock & James Strong

Boadicea --J. M. Scott

Agrícola and Germany --Tacitus. Translated by A. R. Birley.

Empire and Emperors. --Tacitus. Translated by Graham Tingay

Boudicca: The Warrior Queen --M. J. Trow & Taliesin Trow

Boudica: The British Revolt against Rome AD 60 --Webster, Graham

Not Yours to Give

---Originally published in The Life of Colonel David Crockett, by Edward Sylvester Ellis.--- One day in the House of Representatives a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker--I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has not the power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears to him. "Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as charity. Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much money of our own as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks." He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, no doubt, it would, but for that speech, it received but few votes, and, of course, was lost. Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation, Crockett gave this explanation: "Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as we could. In spite of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made houseless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women and children suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for them. The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done. "The next summer, when it began to be time to think about election, I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did not know what might turn up. When riding one day in a part of my district in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the fence. As he came up, I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly. "I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called candidates, and---‘ "Yes I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine, I shall not vote for you again." "This was a sockdolager...I begged him to tell me what was the matter. " ’Well, Colonel, it is hardly worth-while to waste time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are wanting in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you what, but for my rudeness, I should not have said, that I believe you to be honest. …But an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more honest he is.' " 'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional question.’ “ ‘No, Colonel, there’s no mistake. Though I live in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?’ " ‘Well, my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury, and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did.' " ‘It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to the government. So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off than he. If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and for robbing the people on the other. 'No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please, but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this county as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing each one week's pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men in and around Washington who could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life.' "The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours to give. The people have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.' " 'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot vote for you.' "I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this man should go to talking, he would set others to talking, and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the fact is, I was so fully convinced that he was right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him: " ‘Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in Congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said here at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.' "He laughingly replied; 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than beating you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little influence in that way.' " ‘If I don't’, said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am in earnest in what I say I will come back this way in a week or ten days, and if you will get up a gathering of the people, I will make a speech to them. Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.' " ‘No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting it up on Saturday week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.’ " 'Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-bye. I must know your name.’ " 'My name is Bunce.' " 'Not Horatio Bunce?' " 'Yes.’ " 'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say you have seen me, but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you for my friend.' "It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him, before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in that district under such a vote. "At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen manifested before. "Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and, under ordinary circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before. "I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him - no, that is not the word - I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you, sir, if every one who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm. "But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the barbecue, and, to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I had got pretty well acquainted - at least, they all knew me. "In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered up around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying: " ‘Fellow-citizens - I present myself before you today feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.’" "I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying: " ‘And now, fellow-citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error. " ‘It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to the credit for it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so.' "He came upon the stand and said: " ‘Fellow-citizens - It affords me great pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you today.' "He went down, and there went up from that crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett as his name never called forth before.' "I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the honors I have received and all the reputation I have ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of Congress.' "Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday. "There is one thing now to which I will call your attention. You remember that I proposed to give a week's pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men - men who think nothing of spending a week's pay, or a dozen of them, for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased--a debt which could not be paid by money--and the insignificance and worthlessness of money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000, when weighed against the honor of the nation. Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people. But it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it."

Making a Thought a Crime

The supposed original intent of the Hate Crimes Act, HR 1913 and S. 909, was said to prevent discrimination against individuals based on their sexual orientation, both perceived and actual. Through redefinition of “deviant behavior,” these bills redefine over thirty deviant behaviors into accepted forms of societal practice, including but not limited to; pedophilia, sexual activity with a prepubescent child; necrophilia, sexual arousal/activity with a corpse; and prostitution. This poses a problem in several ways. The First Amendment protects free speech and the right of a person to write, think, and speak anything he wishes, but it stops there. Nowhere does it endorse the illicit and immoral actions of a person. The Founding Fathers believed that this country should be based upon Christianity and Christian principles. Without these principles, there is no solid foundation from which to move forward in a logical progression to prove that something or some act is illegal, immoral, or harmful. Second, these bills are one step closer to the “spy-on-your-neighbor” policies so infamous in the tyrannical regimes which have murdered millions of innocents in the last century. The Founding Fathers knew that without proof of damages, there can be no crime. They also knew that the freedom to think, believe, and say anything a person wishes is his own prerogative. However, that is where it should stop. It is one thing to say something, but another to practice it. And when someone practices illegal or immoral behavior, he should be punished. These bills are not really meant to “protect” anyone. People have a choice in all situations of life, including their choice of sexual “expression.” These bills are, however, an attempt to extend the tentacles of the gargantuan government bureaucracy into areas where it has no jurisdiction. It will turn a right into a privilege by forcing people who do not believe these “deviant behaviors” to be acceptable to shut their mouths or face the consequences. Succinctly put, behavior is not speech. It is an act, and therefore is by its very nature a deliberate choice. But the difference between these two volitional acts is that speech is not yet subject to punitive action.

Undeclared Means Un-Constitutional

Rather like a wrecking ball dropped into someone’s La-Z-Boy, a person cannot easily ignore issues of national security and sovereignty — unless the person’s own country has become the problem. At this point willful ignorance sets in and allows the person to act one way, yet profess something else. The reason for this “double-speak” is quite simple: people do not want to take on the responsibility of forcing their government to stay within its lawful, legal, Constitutional bounds. As President George Washington said, “Government is not reason; it is not eloquence; it is force! Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master.” Because of this, the people of the united States have a legal, moral, and ethical obligation to make certain that their government never becomes the “fearful master” of which President Washington warned us. But we are shirking that duty, and one of the most glaring examples is our refusal to demand the Congress declare Constitutional, defined, and legal wars. Since World War Two no war or military policing action has been legally executed. America, once the greatest military power on earth and the country most blessed by God, has now become the enemy at the gates for the other 190 countries on earth. Citing research from the Center for Research on Globalization (CRG), based in Montréal, Canada, estimates the United States has over two and one-half million military personnel worldwide. The CRG, citing the research of Hugh d’Andrade and Bob Wing, confirms that the United States maintains 737 military bases in 156 countries worldwide. This piecemeal occupation of other countries of the world is nothing short of unauthorized, undeclared invasion and occupation. It is as if the United States occupied your county with two and one-half million military personnel. It is utter madness to think that the United States can protect the interests of another country better than the residents of that country. History has proven, in business as well as in war, men who have something to gain, will fight and work harder, longer, better than someone to whom the objective is completely foreign or worthless. Such is the case with America’s involvement overseas. It is pointless. It means nothing to the American people except bloodshed and astronomically increasing taxes. There is absolutely no sound strategic military reason to staff 737 military bases in 156 foreign countries with 2.5 million soldiers whose efforts could be better used here in their own states. The second, and more important issue, is that of the Constitutionality of these invasions. Until Iraq and Afghanistan, the Congress has never provided for a declaration of war for them, yet America continually sends troops into war. This is a gross violation of the powers enumerated in Article Three of the Constitution. It states that the President may only send troops to an unauthorized war zone for a period of sixty days. If the Congress does not approve the President’s decision to send troops to battle, they must be brought home within thirty days. Many of the troops have been deployed for months. The Iraq War has slumped into a seven-year quagmire. In all of this, there are two questions to be asked. First, what right do we as Americans have to even think that our soldiers belong overseas unless there is a declaration of war by the Congress? Second, will we continue our policies of un-Constitutional foreign aggression and attempt to be the police force of the globe, or will we demand that our President recognize the true type of government granted him, a Constitutional-Republic? In conclusion, there are other, less-valid reasons why the rest of the world hates the United States; reasons which are invalid, but are of greater importance to them. However, as long as the United States continues to impinge the national sovereignty of the other one hundred ninety nations of the earth, we have no reason to wonder why they hate us, or to demand we be tolerated, liked, or adored. In the end it becomes a question of whether the United States is a world police force — and we are not. Since we are not the world’s policeman, the United States should have absolutely no military presence in other countries unless the Congress has declared war on that country.